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Passage 17

   Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector

 clerical workers, most of whom are women, were some-

what limited. The factors favoring unionization drives

seem to have been either the presence of large numbers

(5) of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the

effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or

two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively

easy, Receptivity to unionization on the workers, part

was also a consideration, but when there were large

(10) numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only

unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multioccupa-

tional unions would often try to organize them regard-

less of the workers' initial receptivity. The strategic

reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politi-

(15) cians and administrators might play off unionized

against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the

conviction that a fully unionized public work force

meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the

legislature. In localities where clerical workers were few

(20) in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and

expressed no interest in being organized, unions more

often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.

      But since the mid-1970's, a different strategy has

emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical

(25) workers were represented by a labor organization,

compared with 46 percent of government professionals,

44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and

41 percent of government service workers, Since then,

however, the biggest increases in public-sector unioniza-

(30) tion have been among clerical workers. Between 1977

and 1980, the number of unionized government workers

in blue-collar and service occupations increased only

about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations

the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers

(35) in particular, the increase was 22 percent.

       What accounts for this upsurge in unionization

among clerical workers? First, more women have entered

the work force in the past few years, and more of them

plan to remain working until retirement age. Conse-

(40) quently, they are probably more concerned than their

predecessors were about job security and economic bene-

fits. Also, the women's movement has succeeded in legit-

imizing the economic and political activism of women on

their own behalf, thereby producing a more positive atti-

(45) tude toward unions. The absence of any comparable

increase in unionization among private-sector clerical

workers, however, identifies the primary catalyst-the

structural change in the multioccupational public-sector

 unions themselves. Over the past twenty years, the occu-

(50) pational distribution in these unions has been steadily

shifting from predominantly blue-collar to predomi-

nantly white-collar. Because there are far more women

in white-collar jobs, an increase in the proportion of

female members has accompanied the occupational shift

(55) and has altered union policy-making in favor of orga-

nizing women and addressing women's issues.

 

1. According to the passage, the public-sector workers who

   were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were

  (A) professionals

  (B) managers

  (C) clerical workers

  (D) service workers

  (E) blue-collar workers

 

2. The author cites union efforts to achieve a fully

  unionized work force (line 13-19) in order to account

  for why

  (A) politicians might try to oppose public-sector union

     organizing

  (B) public-sector unions have recently focused on

     organizing women

  (C) early organizing efforts often focused on areas

     where there were large numbers of workers

  (D) union efforts with regard to public-sector clerical

     workers increased dramatically after 1975

  (E) unions sometimes tried to organize workers

     regardless of the workers' initial interest in

     unionization

 

  3. The author's claim that, since the mid-1970's, a new

strategy has emerged in the unionization of public-

sector clerical workers (line 23 ) would be

strengthened if the author

  (A) described more fully the attitudes of clerical workers

     toward labor unions

  (B) compared the organizing strategies employed by

     private-sector unions with those of public-sector

     unions

  (C) explained why politicians and administrators

     sometimes oppose unionization of clerical workers

  (D) indicated that the number of unionized public-sector

     clerical workers was increasing even before the mid-

     1970's

  (E) showed that the factors that favored unionization

     drives among these workers prior to 1975 have

     decreased in importance

 

4. According to the passage, in the period prior to 1975,

  each of the following considerations helped determine

  whether a union would attempt to organize a certain 

  group of clerical workers EXCEPT

  (A) the number of clerical workers in that group

  (B) the number of women among the clerical workers

     in that group

  (C) whether the clerical workers in that area were

     concentrated in one workplace or scattered over

     several workplaces

  (D) the degree to which the clerical workers in that

     group were interested in unionization

  (E) whether all the other workers in the same juris-

     diction as that group of clerical workers were

     unionized

 

5. The author states that which of the following is a

  consequence of the women's movement of recent

  years?    

  (A) An increase in the number of women entering the

     work force

  (B) A structural change in multioccupational public-

     sector unions

  (C) A more positive attitude on the part of women

     toward unions

  (D) An increase in the proportion of clerical workers

     that are women

  (E) An increase in the number of women in

     administrative positions

 

6. The main concern of the passage is to

  (A) advocate particular strategies for future efforts to

     organize certain workers into labor unions

  (B) explain differences in the unionized proportions of

     various groups of public-sector workers

  (C) evaluate the effectiveness of certain kinds of labor

     unions that represent public-sector workers

  (D) analyzed and explain an increase in unionization

     among a certain category of workers

  (E) describe and distinguish strategies appropriate to

     organizing different categories of workers

 

7. The author implies that if the increase in the number of

  women in the work force and the impact of the women's 

  movement were the main causes of the rise in

  unionization of public-sector clerical workers, then

  (A) more women would hold administrative positions in

     unions

  (B) more women who hold political offices would have

     positive attitudes toward labor unions

  (C) there would be an equivalent rise in unionization of

     private-sector clerical workers

  (D) unions would have shown more interest than they 

     have in organizing women

  (E) the increase in the number of unionized public-

     sector clerical workers would have been greater than

     it has been

 

8. The author suggests that it would be disadvantageous to

  a union if

  (A) many workers in the locality were not unionized

  (B) the union contributed to political campaigns

  (C) the union included only public-sector workers

  (D) the union included workers from several

     jurisdictions

  (E) the union included members from only a few

     occupations

 

9. The author implies that, in comparison with working

  women today, women working in the years prior to the

  mid-1970's showed a greater tendency to

  (A) prefer smaller workplaces

  (B) express a positive attitude toward labor unions

  (C) maximize job security and economic benefits

  (D) side with administrators in labor disputes

  (E) quit working prior of retirement age




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